https://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLJA_jUddXvY7v0VkYRbAN...
Right now it’s dealing with second generation propaganda where much of the leadership believes the narrative rather than the underlying justification for that narrative. This is mitigating by the older generation retaining a great deal of power, but it creates some IMO really interesting dynamics.
Straw man. Nobody claimed this. Just that the factor identified, politics by attention economics as a result of social media, is not unique to the alt right.
My point was there’s an internal disconnect inside the alt right movement which makes this play out in very distinct ways. Dig into say China’s political to social media connections for some wildly different dynamics.
> is not unique to the alt right
Sure, that I can agree with but it’s a long way from your earlier blanket statement.
China regulates social media in a way we don’t. The fundamental dynamic doesn’t apply there.
First past the post vs representative representation create some really interesting points of divergence.
Federally? Not really.
> UK, Germany, South Africa, and Brazil are all interesting because of just how different yet similar a role social media plays in politics
Could you expand on this?
TikTok is just one of many examples where the federal government has played a significant role. I mean you can debate about how relevant terrorism, CSAM, etc are here, but lots of debatably minor changes still add up.
> Could you expand on this?
It’s a lot to try and summarize in a comment, but just as an example. UK elections can take place early when a coalition breaks up this places a lot more power in the hands of voters and thus social media mid cycle. In the US passing unpopular legislation early means it’s less likely to be remembered next election cycle.
This is a playbook that was utilised by the alt-right first, and adopted by nearly everyone else; particularly (though not exclusively) Republicans in the US, followed by most conservative organizations around the world.