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It is useful for the president to have emergency powers. However he should have been impeached for abusing emergency powers in a non-emergency. Same for his invasion of Iran - Iran has been building long enough that he had plenty of time to go to Congress for permission if he thought attacks were needed.
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Impeachment is the equivalent of an indictment, and the subsequent trial and removal is, probably correctly, very difficult to attain. That leaves a vast area of things a president shouldn't be able to do because it's illegal, but there isn't proportionate recourse.

The next Congress and the next president have a job to do there.

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Emergency powers should only exist for things that need a very quick response. There's no reason for tariffs to be an emergency power. There's no emergency so urgent that it can't wait for Congress to convene and pass a law enacting the appropriate tariffs. The only reason that power exists at all is some mixture of Congress being too trusting of the President, and Congress not wanting to actually pull its weight in the government.
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Exactly — this is CHIPS Act logic, not tariff logic. But the uncomfortable reality is that even with massive subsidies, reshoring mid-node RF components is very different from leading-edge fabs. Broadcom's FBAR filters are important but they're not the bottleneck. The real choke point remains leading-edge lithography equipment and the talent pipeline. Having watched Asia's semiconductor ecosystem up close, the US can throw money at fabs but replicating the dense supplier networks around Hsinchu or Suzhou takes decades, not election cycles. Apple's announcement is smart PR, but it's incremental capacity, not a structural shift.
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This comment is odd, not conventional — it reads suspiciously verbose, not consice.
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